On Background:
Here They Go Again
By Dick Pettys
InsiderAdvantage Georgia
(3/17/08) Well, here they go again. It’s late in the legislative
session, neither of the two budgets has been finalized and there’s
a big fight brewing between the House and the governor over tax
cuts, with the Senate - as has become the norm - coming down on
the governor’s side.
It’s beginning to look a lot like 2007 again, although no
one has yet accused anyone else of showing his backside. (Be patient.
That could happen. The Speaker already has come close to calling
the governor a hypocrite over yet another hot-button issue - Sunday
alcohol sales.)
Of course, 2008 is the second year of the two-year term than began
in 2007, so the takeaway is that three-quarters of the way through
this legislative session, we really haven't moved on at all from
the chaos of last year; we're still seeing the same battles of 2007
being fought and re-fought. Often, with similar rhetoric and similar
moves.
For example: just last week in denouncing the House-passed tag
tax cut, Gov. Sonny Perdue had this to say: “This is major
tax policy of the state done on the fly in the Rules Committee on
a supplemental calendar on the last day (for bills to cross
the halls).”
Now consider what he said last year about the $142 million tax
break lawmakers inserted in the midyear budget bill: “...the
wrong choice in the midst of panic in the dark of the night in a
secret room.”
(As a result of that battle, Perdue vetoed the entire midyear budget
on the next-to-last day of last year’s session, prompting
an override vote in an angry House the next day. But it takes two
houses to dance, and the Senate refused to take up the override
motion. After lawmakers had gone home, and after toying with the
idea of calling them back for a special session Perdue ultimately
rescinded his budget veto but line-itemed out the tax cut.)
And there's this:
Last year, Perdue took particular notice of the fact that the $142
million tax cut proposed by House leaders was exactly the same size
as the senior tax cut he proposed (and which he wasn’t able
to get passed.)
This year, House leaders took particular notice that Perdue’s
reduction of $65 million in his revenue estimate for the current
midyear budget is exactly the right size to take out a couple of
key things they want to do, including restoring money that he’s
cut out of the educational equalization formula. (It's particularly
galling to him that his own Republicans should try to do this, since
this is the very issue Democrats tried to use against him in his
2006 re-election campaign.)
This protracted fight over taxing and spending goes much deeper
than a mere philosophical difference over government policy. It’s
about power and grievances (real or imagined) and, naturally, there’s
a good bit of ego involved in it, as there is in anything that happens
under the Gold Dome. And it’s all the more surprising because
Republicans spent decades railing against Democrats for some of
these same kinds of things, and vowed they would be different when
they finally got control.
Here's the difference. Democrats had been in power so long they
weren't constantly testing the powers of the legislative branch
versus the executive branch, and on those occasions when there was
a dustup, they tried to keep it as private as possible. After five
years, Republicans still are having to find out for themselves exactly
how far the limits of their power extend until they run into somebody
else’s fist, and the struggle already has become so public
it's going to be tough to put that genie back into the bottle.
Looking ahead, there are some interesting questions to be answered
as this contest teeters to an uncertain close. You will recall it
was tough enough for Speaker Glenn Richardson to get the tax bill
out of his own chamber. Now the ball has bounced into the Senate's
court and attention will fall on Lt. Gov. Casey Cagle.
Cagle has been far friendlier to the governor than has Richardson
(Perdue's one-time floor leader) in the House, and late last week
he offered Perdue some serious help in blocking the House-passed
tag tax cut. After Perdue denounced it as political pandering, Cagle,
too, jumped on the measure, saying it’s not the right relief
at the right time and that he will offer a counter-proposal.
That should have helped ease Perdue's heartburn some, since the
governor has no power over a constitutional amendment once it passes
both chambers - he doesn't need to sign it and cannot veto it.
But is that a risky political move for Cagle?
House passage of the measure created a torrent of news reports
that may well have created some public expectation that the hated
tag tax is being abolished. And last weekend, House members were
going around to the GOP county conventions with stickers which read
"Axe The Birthday Tax" printed on them - an effort to
further ramp up expectations.
To those who don't like the tax because of the $672 million hole
in local government treasuries that the state would have to fill,
blocking the bill wouldn't be risky at all. But then others argue
that government already is too fat and could handle the cost merely
by tightening its belt. Perdue isn't one of those. He argued last
week that Georgians already know he's cut a good bit of the fat
out of state government.
And what is the alternative plan that Cagle plans to offer? Senate
sources said he’s looking at raising the standard deduction
on the state income tax, starting at the lowest end of the scale
to give those in low income tax brackets the biggest break. But
until he rolls out his plan, it’s too early to say how that
might go over with the public compared to axing the tag tax. And,
it's probably harder to explain on a bumper sticker.
And then there's this: from what we can tell, axing the car tax
isn't necessarily an unpopular idea with rank-and-file Senate Republicans.
How much political capital will Cagle have to expend within his
own Caucus to block the tag tax and offer something new?
That's hard to forecast, too. Up to now, the Senate's been running
smoothly and the freshman lieutenant governor has enjoyed an extended
honeymoon in the chamber. But there was an unusual development last
week that bears watching.
During the debate over a red-light cameras bill, the normally jovial
lieutenant governor tensed-up, swatted down amendments right and
left as non-germane, and scolded a number of senators by name for
offering them. Majority Leader Tommie Williams quickly moved to
table the bill, a move we're told was done to prevent a potentially
embarrassing floor fight over whether the amendments were germane
or not.
There are a lot of moving pieces and its hard to say just how his
will all play out. Stay tuned.
Dick Pettys, editor of InsiderAdvantage Georgia, was Georgia
capitol correspondent for The Associated Press for 35 years. He
can be reached at 404 230 8930 or at dpettys@insideradvantage.com
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